Incel inside: Understanding involuntary celibates through dating app experiences |
On April 23, 2018, Alek Minassian drove a
rented van into a crowd of pedestrians on a busy Toronto street, killing 10 and
injuring 16 others. Hours before the attack, the 25-year-old posted on Facebook
that “The Incel Rebellion has already begun!” This was followed by praise for
“Supreme Gentleman” Elliot Rodger, the young man behind the 2014 Isla Vista
killings, who wrote a lengthy manifesto prior to his death expressing his
desire to seek retribution on women for rejecting him and on sexually active
men whom he envied. Seemingly overnight, a small, obscure subgroup of the
internet became the subject of considerable attention. Incels, short for
involuntary celibates, are a group of largely heterosexual men whose common
ground revolves around their rejection by women and a feeling that these same
women are responsible for shutting them out of the dating and sexual
“marketplace.”
While it is unfair to take the extreme
examples of Minassian and Rodger and assume they represent the entire incel
community, it does raise questions about the hostility that certain group
members may hold. It also raises questions about why a small number of people respond
to rejection – a universal experience – by joining incel communities, given
their negative reputation. With respect to thwarting one’s romantic or sexual
advances, it has been argued that, within the dating context, the traditional
male over female hierarchy is reversed, which may precipitate violent male
reactions (Buss, 2007). Indeed, Kelly, Dubbs, and Barlow (2015) note that men
higher in social dominance orientation (SDO; support for current societal
hierarchies) respond more aggressively and violently following romantic
rejection than those low in SDO. It has also been noted that men respond more
aggressively to rejection from sexualized women as a result of the latter’s
activation of sex goals (Blake, Bastian, & Denson, 2008). In other words,
men’s enhanced aggression was due, in part, to increases in their desire for or
expectation of a romantic or sexual engagement. Within the context of marriage,
the more time a wife spends with other men, the more anger and frustration the
husbands express when their sexual advances are rejected (DeLucce, Barbaro,
Mohamedally, & Shackleford, 2017). There have also been multiple
qualitative analyses of the aggressive responses women have faced when
dismissing men’s advances via text messages, which were uploaded to social
media accounts dedicated to the phenomenon (e.g., Bye Felipe, Tinder
Nightmares; Shaw, 2016; Thompson, 2018). Based on these (and other)
studies, it is clear that when faced with rejection, some men tend to respond
poorly.
With this is mind, it is perhaps not
surprising that individuals who share similar experiences of rejection (and
reactions to it) may seek one another out. However, to answer some of the above
questions requires a well-developed body of literature, of which there
currently is none. With the recent quarantining of select incel groups on
Reddit, it is even difficult to determine the prevalence of incels.
Nevertheless, the subreddit r/IncelsWithoutHate has over 9,400 members, while
r/AskAnIncel has over 3,400 members. The website incels.co has just under
10,000 registered members and over 1.9 million messages on its main series of
threads. Given that these platforms are all based online, it is perhaps natural
to conclude that the internet has facilitated these connections. Such
conclusions would be difficult to disprove, but also miss an important
intersection between the digital age, incels, and rejection: dating apps.
Roughly one quarter of young adults have
used a dating application, such as Tinder, which now boasts over 50 million
users in the U.S. alone (Smith, 2016; Tinder, 2019). Available in more than 190
countries, Tinder reports that their users collectively go on 1 million dates
per week. For those unfamiliar with dating apps, the premise is simple. Users
create a profile, which can be linked to their social media accounts such as
Facebook and Instagram, allowing for a seamless integration of select photos. Brief
biographies may also be written, and settings such as age range for potential
mates and a geographic range (which is linked with your phone’s GPS) complete
the process. Following this, users are presented with profiles of other users,
whom they can either swipe left (indicating a rejection) or swipe right
(indicating an interest). Once two individuals have swiped right on one
another, a match is announced in the app and they are permitted to message each
other (note that some dating apps, such as Grindr, do not have this
requirement).
As one can surmise, within the span of a
few minutes, a user can download a dating app, set up a profile, and even find
matches, all with the swipe of a finger. While this affords a convenience that
is quite novel to the dating world – making even speed dating seem labour- and
time-intensive – it is not without drawbacks. For instance, Choi, Wong, and
Fong (2018) linked dating app usage with a greater risk of experiencing sexual
abuse. Dating apps have also been associated with with high rates of
unprotected sex (Choi, Wong, & Fong, 2017) and alcohol/drug use during sex
(Landovitz et al., 2013). These are timely studies, given the concern that
dating apps such as Tinder have fostered a convenient yet unsafe hook-up
culture (Sales, 2015). However, the flip side to the efficiency with which
people can find dates (or mates) has been largely ignored.
Perhaps at no point in human history have
people been able to experience romantic rejection on a scale as massive as the
one brought forth by dating apps. Although every user is bound to experience
rejection, previous research on online dating has shown that when presented
with an array of dating options, people often take shortcuts in their selection
process. Specifically, users place greater emphasis on characteristics that are
easy to evaluate, such as physical attractiveness, while experiential qualities
that promote long-term positive outcomes (e.g., sense of humor, kindness) may
be ignored (Frost, Chance, Norton, & Ariely, 2008). Finkel, Eastwick,
Karney, Reid, and Sprecher (2012) argue at length on the consequences of such
side-by-side comparisons, where “the next potential partner is a mere
mouse-click away” (p. 31).
While Finkel and colleagues are more
concerned about the propensity to find a complementary partner, their review
does suggest that certain individuals (e.g., those not possessing obvious
qualities) may experience a greater rate of rejection. This is a key component
of the incel movement, whose members appear to both envy and loathe attractive
(and assumedly sexually active) men that they term “Chads.” They often refer to
evolutionary and personality psychology (there is an entire Wiki page,
“Scientific Blackpill,” dedicated to this) to gain insight into their
experiences of rejection, seeing themselves as biologically inferior to Chads.
Thus, there is an interesting crossroads of seeing themselves as undesirable –
a cold reality of natural selection, understanding some of the cognitive mechanisms
and implicit biases that may exist in the dating sphere, and abhorring Chad’s
female counterparts, “Stacies,” for not returning their sexual interest.
In order to best understand incels, there
needs to be some foundation on which to build, and this is the focus of my
current research. A poll posted on r/Braincels reported that roughly 90% of
participants were under the age of 30, 80% of whom resided in Europe or North
America. While informal, the poll does provide some description of incels, but
does not address more central questions. For instance, are incels’ motivations
for using dating apps different than the general public, and other men in
particular? Are they more influenced by relationship-based self esteem or more
sensitive to rejection? Can these and other variables (such as attachment) help
explain any potential differences in their mental health or their (possibly
violent) responses to acceptance and rejection via dating applications? The
answer, hopefully, is yes. If not, perhaps researchers, much like dating app
users, will have to keep swiping for a solution.
References
Blake,
K. R., Bastian, B., & Denson, T. F. (2018). Heightened male aggression
toward sexualized women following romantic rejection: The mediating role of sex
goal activation. Aggressive Behavior, 44(1), 40-49.
Buss,
D. M. (2007). The evolution of human mating strategies: Consequences for
conflict and cooperation. In S. W. Gangestad & J. A. Simpson (Eds.), The
evolution of mind: Fundamental questions and controversies (pp. 375-382).
New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Choi,
E. P. H., Wong, J. Y. H., & Fong, D. Y. T. (2017). The use of social
networking applications of smartphone and associated sexual risks in lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and transgender populations: A systematic review. AIDS care,
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Choi,
E. P. H., Wong, J. Y. H., & Fong, D. Y. T. (2018). An emerging risk factor
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DeLecce,
T., Barbaro, N., Mohamedally, D., & Shackelford, T. K. (2017). Husband’s reaction
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A. (2016). 15% of American adults have used online dating sites or mobile
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