The world we live in is becoming increasingly nationalistic,
with more and more countries around the world enacting policies designed
to privilege their own citizens at the expense of others. One way this
exclusion is enacted is through attitudes and policies on language use,
which frame immigrants and other nonnative speakers of the national
language as illegitimate and outside the national identity. Despite
widespread condemnation of overt racism as unacceptable, many people do
not recognize linguicism—discrimination based on language—as
discrimination at all. As language educators, we have an important role
to play in raising awareness of linguicism and challenging
linguistically discriminatory practices within our field, many of which
have racial implications.
At the TESOL convention in Seattle, Washington, USA, I attended
a session called “Addressing Linguicism: A Classroom Language
Discrimination Simulation Activity,” in which Shannon Tanghe
demonstrated a simulation that she uses with her teacher education
students to raise awareness of linguicism and its classroom
manifestations. Tanghe based her demonstration on Elliott’s famous 1968
blue eyes/brown eyes experiment, in which she divided her all-White
class into groups based on the color of their eyes in order for them to
experience racial segregation (Peters, 1970). In our case, she divided
us into two groups based on the section of the room where we were
sitting. As we discussed the meaning and manifestations of linguicism,
the participants on the right side of the room were praised and
encouraged to participate by name, with ample wait time given for them
to get their thoughts together. Tanghe’s body language and vocal
cadences were warm and inviting and she clearly showed affection for
those on the right side. In contrast, whenever those of us on the left
side spoke, she asked us to repeat ourselves and even after multiple
attempts she asserted that she could not understand us. She turned her
back on us and referred to us by the articles of clothing we were
wearing or chose new pronunciations of the names on our name tags. In
one case, she singled out an Asian woman with an Anglo name and insisted
she share her “real name,” repeating the question despite the woman’s
objections, until she finally relented and gave an Asian name.
Throughout, Tanghe’s manner was gruff and dismissive. When she claimed
not to understand us, she dismissed it as being reasonable and made
insinuations about our “situations” and our home lives. When she did
admit to one of us having a correct answer, she expressed incredulity
and asked who helped us think of it. When a member of the privileged
group changed sides of the room, to sit in solidarity with those of us
who were not being heard, Tanghe refused to allow it and stopped the
session until she returned to her “proper place.”
Half way through, she switched which group was considered
privileged, but despite being in the group that now had “permission” to
speak, I found myself staying silent, even though linguicism is an issue
that I feel passionately about and I am usually not shy about
participating in discussions. Knowing that I wouldn’t be heard if I’d
spoken during the first half of the simulation, I chose instead to keep
quiet rather than have Tanghe direct her disapproval toward me, and that
conditioning lingered even after the external restraint was removed. As
a White, American native English speaker, my English has always been
considered “standard,” and when speaking my additional languages in the
foreign countries I’ve lived in, I’ve found that my efforts have usually
been appreciated and my mistakes sympathetically overlooked, so this
experience of linguistic marginalization was new for me. Like Tanghe’s
Korean students who participated in a similar simulation exercise
focused on racial discrimination, I found the experience to be more
“real” than I had expected, and it led me to reflect on the ways
linguicism is present in my own teaching contexts (Tanghe, 2016).
As a participant in the simulation, one of the things that was
most frustrating to observe was my peers repeating their answers over
and over, with Tanghe insisting “I just can’t understand you” each time.
While at times I genuinely can’t understand what my students are trying
to communicate, the simulation raised my awareness of how disheartening
repeated requests for clarification can be for a student. Being
cognizant of the ways I ask students to repeat themselves, consciously
making an effort to remember that communication is a process of
negotiation, and being explicitly supportive when I have difficulty
understanding a student’s ideas have been some of the ways the
simulation has impacted my practice. Given that the burden of
communication is usually placed firmly on the minority language speaker
(Lippi-Green, 2012), my taking an active role in negotiating meaning
shifts the power dynamic in the classroom.
Despite the fact that Tanghe’s session chose to focus
exclusively on linguicism, linguistic discrimination often serves as a
cover for racism, and language and race are deeply intertwined. In
places such as the United States, where racial discrimination is
illegal, students who are minority language users do not have the same
protections and can be denied access to educational services on the
basis of their language abilities, entirely within the scope of the law,
even though the majority of English learners in U.S. schools are
students of color (Liggett, 2014). This leads to racialized
discrimination being justified on the grounds of language use, a trend
that is likely to continue in the current political climate. Examining
the position of English learners in U.S. public schools, Motha (2014)
found that “speaking about ESOL students in terms of language identity
provide[s] a shroud for discourses that might otherwise be read as
racist” (p. 87). Colonial legacies and mainstream discourse link English
to Whiteness, and anything considered nonstandard is racially marked.
Within the field of TESOL, the racialization of linguistic minorities
affects English learners of all races, speakers of World Englishes,
nonnative-English-speaking teachers, and even non-White
native-English-speaking teachers, who often have their linguistic
background challenged on the basis of their race. Even in EFL contexts,
there are often discourses in circulation that privilege Whiteness and
English over local languages and racial groups.
As teachers, we need to be cognizant of the ways race and
language intersect and how overlapping identities affect our students’
experiences of discrimination. During the simulation, Tanghe disparaged
the family background of those in the marginalized group. While such
statements are clearly derogatory, it is impossible to separate their
racial and linguistic impact. Beyond overtly discriminatory statements
or actions, both linguicism and racism can be quite subtle. When Tanghe
smiled at one group, but not the other, or allowed a longer wait time
for students in the privileged group to think of their answers, she was
demonstrating subtle preferences that could have been equally influenced
by racial or linguistic identity. For students with intersectional
identities, there’s no way to know the reasons behind a teacher’s lack
of support, but that doesn’t diminish its discriminatory
impact.
As English teachers, we can work to eliminate these
discriminatory practices in our classes and raise awareness of
linguicism and its racial implications. Because linguicism is real, but
often unnoticed, we can ask our students to observe linguicist practices
in their communities. We can also encourage them to reflect on the
racial identities of those they see face linguistic discrimination.
Raising awareness of language as a situated, context-dependent practice
can help students value all of their linguistic resources while
encouraging them to make conscious choices about the forms they use with
those in gate-keeping positions. One way to do this is to incorporate
diverse accents and images of non-White English speakers into classroom
materials. Another is to discuss code-switching and translanguaging
practices and give students scenarios where they can consciously
practice these skills in different contexts. Thinking about the audience
and the communicative intention behind speaking or writing assignments
can help students make informed choices about which language varieties
are most effective.
By discussing these issues in the classroom, we give our
students the tools they need to address them outside of class, as
advocates for themselves and others in their communities. And for those
of us who are teacher educators, we can use simulations such as Tanghe’s
to integrate issues of language and power into the curriculum. We can
also use counterstorytelling, a technique from Critical Race Theory, to
help students reflect on their own racial and linguistic identities and
challenge taken-for-granted mainstream norms (Cho, 2016). By raising
future teachers’ awareness of linguistic discrimination and its racial
connotations, we can help the next generation of English teachers become
advocates of social justice within their classrooms. Given the
increasingly hostile and nationalistic discourses playing out around the
world, the social advocacy component of our work as teachers is more
important now than ever.
References
Cho, H. (2016). Racism and linguicism: Engaging language
minority pre-service teachers in counter-storytelling. Race
Ethnicity and Education. Advance online publication. doi:
10.1080/13613324.2016.1150827
Liggett, T. (2014). The mapping of a framework: Critical race
theory and TESOL. The Urban Review, 46(1),
112–124.
Lippi-Green, R. (2012). English with an accent:
Language, ideology and discrimination in the United States
(2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Motha, S. (2014). Race, empire and English language
teaching: Creating responsible and ethical anti-racist
practice. New York, NY: Teachers’ College Press.
Peters, W. (1970). The eye of the storm [Motion picture]. USA: ABC News.
Tanghe, S. (2016). Promoting critical racial awareness in
teacher education in Korea: Reflections on a racial discrimination
simulation activity. Asia Pacific Educational Review,
17(2), 203–215.
Riah Werner is an English teacher and teacher
trainer who has taught in Tanzania, South Korea, Thailand, and Ecuador
and trained more than 200 teachers. She holds an MA in TESOL from the
SIT Graduate Institute. Her research interests include drama and the
arts, social justice in ELT, and locally contextualized
pedagogy. |